Trade, an Increasingly Important Pillar in Dhampur’s Economy

Main Market, Dhampur. Photograph by Pushpa Pathak
In the ancient times, trade was the primary economic activity which led to the establishment of urban settlements, where agricultural surplus was exchanged for manufactured or imported goods like  iron, stone, wood, agricultural implements, textiles, spices, etc. Over time these small market-towns also became industrial centers where artisans and crafts persons produced a range of goods catering to the demands of the towns’ inhabitants, nearby villages as well as for exporting to other regions. Hence, trade and industries became the two main pillars of growth of market towns into larger complex urban centers with multiple functions. Merchants and industrialists have played an important role in the small towns’ development and administration for a long time.


Dhampur, located in the agriculturally rich Western Uttar Pradesh, is an apt example of small towns’ economy where trade and industry have played an equally important role in its earlier development. However, trade seems to be gaining more prominence in the recent decades. The Census of India data indicates that employment in trade in Dhampur increased from about 22 percent in 1961 to 32 per cent in 1991 while employment in both Household and Non-household industries declined from about 26 per cent to 20 per cent in the same years. These two sectors together continue to account for about half of the economic employment of the town. However, the nature of the trade has changed over time both in terms of the nature and quantum of commodities traded as well as the spatial distribution of the trading establishments.

In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the trading area of Dhampur lay along a narrow street in the congested center of the town, where wholesale and retail activities were tightly packed surrounded by densely populated old residential areas. Dhampur had already become one of the district’s main market centers. The Badi Mandi was the center of wholesale trade, with about fifty shops and agencies dealing with sugar export and food grain imports. The retail trade was conducted through around two hundred shops in the Kalan bazar, the town’s main market. Other shops and services were scattered all over the town. A street off the main bazar called Lohiyan was exclusively inhabited by ironware manufacturers and dealers. The bulk of Dhampur’s exports consisted of sugar, handloom cloth and milled rice, while major imports were mill-woven cloth, machinery, food grains, metals, minerals, cotton yarn, and consumer and luxury goods. Farmers did not have good storage facilities in the villages and most agricultural commodities were sold soon after harvesting. Grain traders and agents of rice mills went to the villages to buy grain at the time of harvest. Only a few large farmers took their surplus produce to the nearest grain mandis located at Dhampur or Nagina towns.

Badi Mandi. Photograph by Shubham Kashyap

Grain trading has also undergone significant shifts. Sugarcane has been the main crop in the region since the 1930s when the earliest sugar mills were established. Comparing recent years to the late 1970s, the price of sugarcane has increased significantly, which encourages farmers to cultivate more sugarcane. As a result, there is a huge decline in the food grain production. Farmers now grow small portions of food grains like wheat and paddy for their self-consumption. Only about 1 per cent of their output of these grains is sold directly in the Dhampur’s Badi Mandi.  Consequently, grain traders are now purchasing branded packed grain and other food products like flour directly from factories in other parts of Uttar Pradesh and other states of India. Alongside this shift, technological changes have also taken place. There are now Japanese grain cleaning machines that remove small pieces of stones from the grain. Firms like Chote Lal Rajeev Kumar Jain, established in 1978, run a wholesale business of food grains. They purchase grains mostly from factories located in Delhi, Saharanpur, Bijnor and Gajraula. About 50 per cent of their buyers are from Dhampur town and 50 per cent from the tehsil.

At present, Dhampur’s trade has multiplied manifold making it a major trading center in the district. Serving around five hundred nearby villages and towns, Dhampur now deals with multiple trade activities from agricultural products to metal, fabric, electronic goods, and a number of consumer goods. There are around fifteen markets and approximately two thousand shops with mixed trade activities. The historic core of the town has become even denser and continues to be the main center of trade. However, there are examples of spatial dispersal of some of the trading activities towards the periphery of the town with wider roads where trucks can turn and unload easily. For example, the vegetable and fruit trade has shifted out from the Badi Mandi in the core town to the New Sabji Mandi on Nehtaur road in the west of the town. It is established on private land taken on lease from the farmers. It is spread over 6.25 acres and has 55 shops of similar size with wide streets that allow trucks to enter. The Nai Sabji Mandi and Fal Association manages the Mandi and also collects a monthly rent from the traders. A similar Sabji and Fal Mandi has come up adjacent to the Nai Mandi, which indicates a complete shift of the fruit and vegetable wholesale market from the core town. The traders purchase fresh fruits and vegetables from Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Delhi and they sell their products to wholesalers who come from different parts of district Bijnor. The Badi Mandi continues dealing with grain trade specializing now in packed grains and other food products. The Lohiyan market is still inhabited by ironware manufacturers and dealers, where people especially from hilly areas come to buy metal-made products such as kadhai and tawa. The outer areas of the town have also seen the emergence of new kinds of trades such as dealing with branded clothing, footwear, televisions, cars, two-wheelers, tractors, medicines and other consumer goods.

 

Nai Sabji and Phal Mandi. Photograph by Pushpa Pathak

The major transformation in trade is visible in the import of automobiles and two wheelers. Multiple automobile showrooms have come up in Dhampur. For example, Shakumbari Automobiles, a Maruti Suzuki showroom opened in 2016, imports cars from different states of India including Haryana and Gujarat. Every year, in the lean season it sells about 20-25 cars, and in the peak season sales rise to 30-40. Around 60 per cent of the buyers are from Dhampur town and 40 per cent from Dhampur tehsil. Many cars are purchased by farmers for their daughters’ marriages, where gifting a vehicle has become a symbol of status. Only a small minority of 4-5 per cent buy cars without any social occasion. The showroom now faces competition from other automobile brands, which shows that Dhampur’s demand has risen and people prefer to have a choice.

The textile trade has also transformed remarkably over the past five decades. Now there are fewer shops selling cloth and many more shops have come up selling readymade garments for men, women and children. One such shop is Leela Shadi and Suits, established in 2015, which has transformed from a small-scale to a large-scale firm. About 80 per cent of their dresses are purchased from Surat and Ahmedabad, while the rest 20 per cent comes from Delhi. Around 80 per cent of the buyers are from Dhampur town, 10 per cent are from Dhampur tehsil, and the remaining 10 per cent come from other parts of the district such as Seohara, Nagina, Noorpur and nearby villages. Most of their customers come for the purchase of clothes for marriage purposes. After Covid, their regular customers declined due to shopping from online platforms.

The journey from the congested central street of 1979-80 to the multi-layered trade network of 2023-24 is a story not just of economic change but also of how a small town redefines what it means to live and do business in the present subaltern urban India. Dhampur continues to serve as a vital market center for its rural hinterland and other nearby small towns now plugged into a wider network of trade, industry, technology and developmental aspirations.

TREADS Dialogues I — The Institutional Question: Water Security for Viksit Bharat

India’s water crisis persists not due to lack of policies or resources, but due to institutional fragmentation, short-termism, and the absence of coordination. Without institutional convergence at the national level, water security goals for Viksit Bharat 2047 will continue to be undermined.


Water risk governance lies at the core of India’s water security challenge

The Dialogue acknowledged and agreed that water security is inadequately framed in Indian policy discourse. It neglects water-related risks, particularly floods, droughts, and water quality degradation. Climate change intensifies these risks, making risk management a core governance challenge. The current discourse focuses heavily on “provision and access” (e.g. Jal Jeevan Mission) while neglecting the costs of risks. The forum noted that recent floods in Punjab, Uttarakhand, and Himachal Pradesh wiped out significant economic value for those specific states, underscoring the high cost of risks.

 

The abandoned effort to draft the National Water Policy (NWP) is a missed opportunity 

The abandoned effort to draft NWP (2020) is a missed opportunity to address emerging governance challenges, both for water resources development and in coping with risks. It also could have addressed the most crucial element missing in the earlier efforts of national water policymaking – to articulate institutional pathways and mandates for translating and implementing policies, especially given the crucial challenge of Centre-State coordination.

 

Interstate nature of river water governance 

Although nearly all Indian river basins are interstate, water governance continues to operate assuming water is exclusively a State subject. This operational practice deviates from constitutional intent and undermines the Centre’s role and responsibility in addressing extraterritorial and trans-jurisdictional water risks. Over successive planning periods, the Centre has progressively withdrawn from direct investment and asset ownership in water infrastructure. States now dominate capital expenditure and project control, leaving the Centre with limited influence, confined largely to dispute resolution and advisory roles.

Interstate water dispute mechanisms focus exclusively on allocation shares, treating water as divisible property rather than a resource requiring efficient deployment. Excessive reliance on laws and a lack of investment in institutions have been a bane in interstate coordination. India’s interstate bodies and commissions remain project-driven, politically contingent, and very often bilateral rather than institutionalised. The River Boards Act, 1956 has never been operationalised, and existing institutions lack the legal authority to enforce holistic planning or sustain long-term cooperation.

 

Fragmentation across Union Ministries is a structural barrier

Water-related functions are dispersed across multiple union ministries Jal Shakti (MoJS), Power (MoP), Agriculture (MoA&FW), Ports & Shipping (MoPSW), without an effective coordination mechanism. This fragmentation prevents integrated basin-level decision-making and creates institutional dissonance, especially in multi-purpose projects concerning storage, hydropower, navigation, and flood management. For instance, in basins such as the Brahmaputra, original storage-oriented flood and water management projects have been converted into run-of-the-river hydropower projects due to sectoral dominance by power institutions. This shift fundamentally alters basin outcomes and sidelines water security objectives in favour of revenue generation.

 

Sub-national water governance is trapped in short-termism

State-level water decision-making is shaped by short political and fiscal cycles. Long-gestation water projects are pursued without adequate assessment of debt sustainability, long-term efficiency, or future intergenerational impacts. The focus remains on building new infrastructure rather than optimising existing allocation. Besides, the subnational water resources institutions have deeply entrenched cultures driven by supply augmentation with limited or institutional internationalisation of demand management.

 

Absence of an effective apex coordinating mechanism is a core governance gap

While bodies such as the National Water Resources Council (NWRC) exist, they are dormant and ineffective. The Dialogue identifies the absence of a technocratic–bureaucratic apex coordination mechanism as the single most critical institutional gap preventing convergence across ministries, sectors, and time horizons.

 

India’s water storage capacity remains structurally inadequate and institutionally undervalued

Some experts argued that with India having only ~300 BCM of storage against a potential of 450 BCM, creating more storage is essential to buffer against the changing water cycles caused by climate change. Despite being a monsoon-dependent country with high flood and drought variability, India has failed to build and protect adequate strategic water storage, particularly in water-surplus basins such as the Northeast; storage-oriented projects have been repeatedly diluted or converted into run-of-the-river hydropower projects due to sectoral and institutional fragmentation, leaving the country unable to mitigate climate risk, regulate flows, or secure long-term water availability.